Human
Events...
Newt
Keeps Pitching the America of His
Imagination
by Michael Barone
12/05/2011
Here
are a couple of things to keep in
mind about Newt Gingrich, as he leads in polls for the Republican
presidential
nomination nationally and in Iowa and South Carolina, and may be
threatening
Mitt Romney’s lead in New Hampshire.
One
is that he is an autodidact. A
second is that he has incredible perseverance.
Autodidact
is a fancy word for someone
who is self-taught. Gingrich calls himself a historian and says his
worldview
was shaped at age 15 by viewing the bones at the ossuary at Verdun,
site of the
World War I battle. And he did earn a Ph.D. in history in 1971, with a
dissertation on “Belgian Education Policy in the Congo: 1945-1960.”
But
he hasn’t pursued that or any
other subject with scholarly rigor. Instead, in his voluminous writings
and
unusually lengthy speeches, you will find references to the futurist
Alvin
Tofler, to Olympic beach volleyball, to zoos and space exploration.
You’ll find
management book lingo, salesmanship tips, offbeat and sometimes
revealing facts
and anecdotes.
Gingrich
started running for Congress
as a teacher at West Georgia College, in a traditionally Democratic
area where
he had no local connections, in 1973. That was when Richard Nixon was
president. Nelson Rockefeller was governor of New York, and Ronald
Reagan
governor of California. Both had supported tax increases and signed
bills
legalizing abortion. Paul Ryan, Marco Rubio and Bobby Jindal were not
yet in
kindergarten.
The
sophisticates of the time said
that Vietnam proved that America was overextended and impotent,
Watergate
proved that it was morally unworthy and corrupt, and stagflation proved
that
its days of economic growth were over. Gingrich disagreed on all three
counts.
With
autodidact intensity, he argued
then and has argued ever since, that America is not in decline but at
the brink
of technological and economic breakthroughs; it is not a waning power
in the
world, but one that can inspire revolutionary transformation; the wave
of the
future is not the liberal welfare state but (in a 1983 phrase that
never quite
caught on) the conservative opportunity society.
Politically
he persevered through
adversity. He ran a strong race against a longtime Democratic incumbent
but
lost in the Watergate year of 1974. He set out to run again, but after
Jimmy
Carter clinched the Democratic nomination he knew he could not win in
rural
Georgia. It was only when he ran a third time in 1978 that he finally
won.
I
remember Gingrich predicting that in
the 1984 cycle Republicans would win a majority in the House of
Representatives. Every political insider thought that was ridiculous,
and it
illustrates Gingrich’s tendency toward overoptimism. But while he was
wrong on
the timing, he was right on the reasons why the Republicans could and
would end
the Democrats’ decades of control. He saw that the South was moving
Republican
as elderly incumbents retired and that smart young Democrats elected in
Vietnam
and Watergate years would be replaced by Republicans. That finally
happened in
1994, and Gingrich
became speaker of the
House.
His
record there was mixed. As I wrote
in the 1998 Almanac of American Politics, “He had more success as an
inside-the-House legislative leader than as an outside-the-House shaper
of
public opinion.” Congress passed welfare reform and held spending level
for a
year, which led to a balanced budget. Gingrich and Bill Clinton were
negotiating Medicare and Social Security reforms until distracted in
different
ways by impeachment.
But
many Republicans felt that
Gingrich was continually outnegotiated by Clinton, who as Gingrich told
me at
the time, “never stops learning.” Other Republican leaders nearly
ousted him in
an unprecedented coup in 1997, and few colleagues are supporting him
for
president now.
As
for the public, Gingrich became
widely unpopular due, as I wrote then, to “a cocksureness, a
professorial
abstractness about policy, a more than occasional petulance and high
self
regard.”
He
also showed a tin ear for
proprieties, divorcing two wives to marry other women and signing a
seven-figure book contract as speaker (later dropped), just as he
signed up for
seven figures from Freddie Mac after leaving office.
Asked
a year ago whether he was
running, Gingrich said, “Why wouldn’t I?” When his campaign staff
resigned en
masse, he persevered. Now we’ll see if voters entrust this autodidact
with a
position for which few of his colleagues think he is fitted.
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