The
Daily Signal
What
Obama Has Wrong on Climate Change
Brett
Schaefer & Nicolas Loris
July
06, 2014
President
Barack Obama again sought to make the case to the American people for
“dealing with the rapidly growing threat of climate change” last
month, in a speech to the League of Conservation Voters. Right up
front he said that his speech would not have “a lot of spin, just
the facts.” When a politician says that, you know to expect the
opposite.
Obama
assured the audience that members of Congress “accept that man-made
climate change is real” but are afraid to “say so out loud” out
of fear that they “will be run out of town by a bunch of fringe
elements.” Thus, in a few words, Obama accused Congress of being
cowards, liars, and ignorant of the fact that “seven in ten
Americans say global warming is a serious problem [and] say the
federal government should limit pollution from our power plants.”
Where
to start?
There
may be members of Congress who deny that large increases in
greenhouse gases can affect the climate, but, if they exist, they are
a small minority. Most skeptics of the president’s climate agenda
have other, very sound reasons for their opposition.
First,
the exact extent to which man-made carbon dioxide emissions, which
are only a small portion of total emissions, affect the climate is
uncertain. Advocates have damaged their credibility significantly by
making extreme predictions of rapidly accelerating warming and more
frequent, more intense natural disasters — predictions that have
not been supported by real-world experience:
The
real-world temperature changes have fallen far short of those
projected by climate models used by the United Nations that are the
basis for calls to action such as President Obama’s Climate Action
Plan. Specifically, as stated by Roy Spencer, the principle research
scientist at the University of Alabama: “The magnitude of
global-average atmospheric warming between 1979 and 2012 is only
about 50 percent that predicted by the climate models relied upon by
the IPCC in their projections of global warming.” Those models also
fail to explain why there has been a “pause” in warming since the
late 1990s.
As
observed by Roger Pielke Jr., a scientist who testified before
Congress last July: “It is misleading, and just plain incorrect, to
claim that disasters associated with hurricanes, tornadoes, floods,
or droughts have increased on climate timescales either in the United
States or globally.”
The
U.N. Environment Program falsely predicted in 2005 that climate
change would lead to 50 million refugees by 2010.
In
addition, errors such as U.N. claims that Himalayan glaciers could
melt by 2035 and indications that scientists have manipulated data
raise concerns of bias.
Second,
the cost of implementing meaningful constraints on greenhouse-gas
emissions (GHGs) would be enormous. Despite a recent and important
Supreme Court victory for the separation of powers — a decision
preventing the EPA from regulating GHGs from millions of small
entities — the EPA is moving forward with its regulatory equivalent
of cap-and-trade legislation. A recent Heritage Foundation analysis
of the administration’s war on coal projects that the onslaught of
regulations would cost America 600,000 jobs and more than $1,200 per
year in income for a family of four.
Third,
U.S. action alone would be ineffective. International negotiations
have centered on placing the economic burden of addressing climate
change on a few dozen developed countries while asking little or
nothing from more than 150 developing countries. But the primary
source of greenhouse-gas emissions is increasingly the developing
world. Any approach to effectively address increasing emissions of
greenhouse gases must arrest emissions from developed and developing
countries.
Unless
and until this issue is resolved, the U.S. would be foolish to
consider unilateral restrictions on the U.S. economy that, in the
end, would be merely symbolic without having significant effect on
global emissions reductions. And even in some imaginary world where
we could accomplish international cooperation, the economic and
climate realities indicate that this is still a losing strategy.
In
short, Congress has justifiable reasons to question the president’s
call for unilateral U.S. action on climate change.
Moreover,
contrary to the president’s claims, polls indicate that people tend
to agree with Congress that climate change is not a high priority.
A Pew
Research poll from January 2014 found: “The American public
routinely ranks dealing with global warming low on its list of
priorities for the president and Congress. This year, it ranked
second to last among 20 issues tested.”
A
March 2014 Gallup poll revealed: “Only 24 percent of Americans say
they worry about [climate change] a great deal. This puts climate
change, along with the quality of the environment, near the bottom of
a list of 15 issues Americans rated in Gallup’s March 6–9
survey.”
A
January 2014 Wall Street Journal/NBC poll found: “Addressing
climate change was the lowest priority issue by far of the 13
domestic and foreign issues polled.”
Americans
often have a reputation for being out of step with the rest of the
world, but on climate change they are in the global mainstream,
according to the United Nations’ “My World” survey. As of June
26, 2014, there had been more than 2.36 million votes submitted to
the survey from nearly every country and territory around the world.
Individuals are presented with 16 issues and asked to select the six
that “are most important for you and your family.” Dead last
among the choices was “action taken on climate change.”
Action
taken on climate change was least important to individuals in the
least developed countries; but even among individuals in
higher-income countries, climate change consistently ranked in the
bottom third.
All
of this goes to show that it is not Congress that is out of step with
the American public or even global opinion, but President Obama and
the global elites who are leading the charge on climate change.
Originally
posted on National Review.
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