Columbus
Dispatch...
Oil,
gas
taxes vary widely by state
Kasich,
foes of his plan will find state variances
By Dan Gearino
Monday
March 19, 2012
Several
states have used taxes on oil and natural-gas production to reduce the
burden
on everyone else, a club that Gov. John Kasich would like Ohio to join.
He lists
Texas, Michigan, West Virginia and North Dakota as examples of places
that have
higher taxes on oil and natural gas than Ohio.
At the same
time, oil-industry advocates say that the absence of such a tax — as is
the
case in Pennsylvania — serves to encourage investment. Legislative
leaders have
said they sympathize with this view, setting up a fight with the
governor.
As the
debate unfolds, both sides will use examples from other states.
Researchers
warn that there are big challenges to comparing the vastly different
approaches, and many reasons to proceed with caution in deciding how to
structure a tax.
“It’s a bag
of snakes more than a can of worms,” said David Passmore, director of
the
Institute for Research in Training & Development at Penn State
University.
Most of the
debate is about “severance” taxes, a tax on natural resources that are
being
“severed” from the earth. Nearly all the money collected comes from oil
and
natural-gas production.
The results
of implementing severance taxes vary widely, from Alaska, where the tax
pays
for nearly three-quarters of state government, to the dozen or so
states where
severance-tax receipts are zero.
Ohio
already levies a severance tax, taking in $10.6 million in 2010, which
was 0.4
percent of the state’s tax receipts, according to the Census Bureau.
Kasich is
proposing a tax on a percentage of the dollar value of oil and gas
sales, a
change from the current system that levies the tax based on the
quantity of the
resource.
He also
wants a separate tax on natural-gas liquids, such as ethane and butane,
which
currently are taxed at the same rate as natural gas even though the
liquids
have a higher market value.
The
proposal has an exception for small producers, who would continue to
pay 20
cents per barrel of oil.
The new
revenue would be used to pay for an income-tax cut of about
$500 million in
2016, Kasich’s office has said.
The
governor’s fellow Republicans who run the legislature are signaling
that the
plan will have a rough road. A key committee leader said on Friday that
he will
consider the tax issue on its own, rather than as part of a larger
budget
measure. This makes it unlikely that the tax proposal would be passed
soon.
Oil and gas
producers think that they are being unfairly singled out by Kasich.
They point
to the anticipated job growth from shale-gas drilling and say that the
state
normally would shower the industry with incentives to encourage
creation of those
jobs, rather than the opposite.
“Just give
us a fair regulatory scheme and fair tax scheme and let us do what we
do best,”
said David Hill, owner of David R. Hill Inc., a small oil producer in
Guernsey
County.
He is a
lifelong resident of southeastern Ohio, an area that has long struggled
with
high unemployment. He thinks it is wrong to raise a tax that narrowly
affects
the oil-producing parts of the state and then distribute the money
across the
state.
Pennsylvania
lawmakers have resisted attempts to enact a severance tax. The closest
the
state has come is a relatively new “impact fee” designed to pay for
damage
caused by the oil and gas industry.
In 2010,
Passmore and colleague Rose Baker wrote a report estimating that for
every $100
million raised with a severance tax, Pennsylvania would lose between
111 and
292 jobs. But that wasn’t the whole story. If the government used the
money to
pay for construction projects, the spending would lead to hiring and a
net gain
in jobs, their report said.
The co-authors
encountered big obstacles in trying to understand the issue. For
example, they
had a tough time comparing states that impose a tax based on the volume
of oil
and gas — as Ohio does under current law — with states whose tax is
based on a
percentage of sales. Tax revenue for the latter group fluctuates based
on the
market value of the resource, which makes it less reliable as a revenue
source.
The
potential volatility of the revenue that a severance tax would raise
makes some
economists leery of using it to fund a tax cut. Instead, the money
should be
“sequestered as a permanent fund, so it can be saved for future
generations,”
said Ned Hill, director of the school of public affairs at Cleveland
State
University.
But he
supports the idea of raising the severance tax. “The development of the
industry is definitely a windfall, and windfalls are commonly shared,”
he said.
Ken
Mayland, president of ClearView Economics in the Cleveland area, thinks
the tax
is a bad idea. He likened the transfer of wealth to “pickpocketing,”
and he
warned that it would discourage development of the oil and gas industry.
“You need
to make a case for why it should be treated differently than steel
production
or autos or farming,” he said.
Industry
leaders contend that the average Ohioan’s income-tax reduction, which
would be
less than $100, is not worth the risk.
“Do you
want the jobs and economic opportunity, or do you want a $30 check?”
asked Tom
Stewart, executive vice president of the Ohio Oil and Gas Association.
He points
to Michigan and West Virginia as examples of states with high severance
taxes
where investment has diminished.
Although
the benefit to individual taxpayers might be small, it would be
significant to
small businesses, whose owners pay the personal income tax and would
save
thousands of dollars, said Kasich spokesman Rob Nichols. “That’s the
direct
stimulative effect on the economy,” he said.
Like almost
everything else about this subject, Nichols’ point is debatable. Hill,
the
Cleveland State faculty member, thinks the complexity of the subject
and the
strong opinions of the players will make this a particularly animated
argument
in the General Assembly.
“Like any
political debate, it’s going to take on the elegant form of a food
fight,” he
said.
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and other stories at the Columbus Dispatch
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